Many Democratic lawmakers chose wait out the legislative session in Chicago, due to its party ties. Illinois Governor and Democrat JB Pritzker was in communication with Texas Democrats ahead of the quorum break to offer his support. Observers have noted that, as a potential 2028 presidential candidate, Pritzker may have used to opportunity to build political clout with Texas Democrats.

Attorney General Ken Paxton has called for the arrest of lawmakers who fled to Democratic-led states. Such action would be classified as a civil arrest and could result in lawmakers being detained and returned to Austin to resume the legislative session.

Republicans currently hold 25 out of Texas’ 38 congressional seats. The Trump administration has played a role in bolstering Republican redistricting efforts in Texas to help ensure a favorable position for his party in the 2026 midterm elections. Missouri is another state where Trump officials have reportedly influenced redistricting plans.

In June, Democratic leaders and funders launched a “Blue Texas” campaign in an attempt to weaken the decades-long Republican hold on the state. The initiative aims to “mobilize thousands of volunteers, recruit strong Democratic candidates in every region of the state, and deliver critical support to campaigns in all 254 counties,” as Democrat leaders believe the 2026 midterms offer “a once-in-a-generation opportunity to elect more Democrats — if they organize early and at scale.”

This is the second time in four years that Texas Democrats and Republicans have had a standoff over a vote that resulted in Democrats leaving the state to break quorum. The Texas Senate has since implemented a rule imposing a monetary fine for each day legislators are absent. The law is classified as a civil violation and does not carry criminal penalties.

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The AGCM investigation found that Shein made false claims about the recyclability of its clothing and that there was no evidence to back up Shein’s claim that its use of “green” fibers and other “sustainable” materials in certain clothing lines offered any “substantial environmental benefit.” In addition, the AGCM concluded that Shein’s claimed goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions 25 percent by 2050 was misleading given the increase in emissions that the company produced from 2023-24 and the lack of a concrete plan as to how the company sought to achieve this goal.

Shein said that it is working “to ensure that all environmental claims are clear, verifiable, and compliant with regulations” in a reported statement.

Under EU Directive 2005/29/EC, national governments of the EU are responsible for regulating and fining companies that partake in misleading commercial practices, including environmental claims that that imply to consumers that a company is more environmentally friendly than it actually is.

In July, Shein was fined €40 million by French authorities for misleading commercial practices that included fake discounts and misleading environmental claims. Article 13 of Directive 2005/29/EC requires that member states enforce “effective, proportionate and dissuasive” penalties for misleading commercial practices within the scope of the directive. Given the relatively wide scope for enforcement allowed by the directive’s lack of specificity, fines can vary widely between member-states of the EU.

The AGCM launched its investigation into Shein in September. Since Shein operates online stores across the EU, it is possible that other countries could impose fines on the company if similar environmental claims were shared elsewhere in the EU.

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Ghana’s current legal education system requires all Bachelor of Laws (LLB) holders across law faculties to take an independent entrance examination conducted by the General Legal Council for admissions into the Ghana School of law. Following the entrance exam, all students must undergo a two-year training period during law school, then must pass a bar examination before they can practice law.

The reform aims to improve the training of lawyers while reducing the number of years required to earn a law degree. Under the proposed model, aspiring lawyers would complete three years of legal education at a faculty of law, followed by a one-year bar practice course—or clinical legal program—offered by the same university where they earned their degree. Finally, all graduates would be required to sit for and pass a national bar examination before being admitted to the Ghana Bar Association.

The proposed bill is expected to go before Cabinet next month and would eliminate the existing GSL system.

In an exclusive interview with JURIST, Salamatu Haruna, a Barrister‑at‑Law (BL) candidate at the Ghana School of Law, and Bismark Gyabaah, a recent LLB graduate and aspirant to the Ghana School of Law, shared their views on the proposed reform. Salamat Haruna said of the draft bill:

I’ve always thought of this kind of system as a better legal education system for two reasons. For one, it takes away the monopoly of the Ghana School of Law and makes the law faculties responsible for the entire training of lawyers. The competition between these faculties will have an effect on the quality of legal education provided, and even the cost at which this is provided because all these schools want to be able to attract students. Secondly, this system has the potential of solidifying legal practice in areas that hitherto had very few practitioners. The faculties of law are available in various regions across the country unlike the law school which is only in Greater Accra and Ashanti. If a student spends 6 years in one region, they get exposed to the Courts of that region and practice in that region, there is a possibility of them being comfortable about starting and maintaining their practice in that region, thereby contributing to expanding legal practice to these areas.

According to Bismark Gyabaah, collaboration between the government and the General Legal Council (GLC) to expand facilities would both preserve and strengthen the current legal education system, essentially returning to the earlier model where LLB graduates gained automatic admission to the GSL without an entrance examination. Bismark also expressed concern that reducing the duration of legal training from six years to four years could limit the breadth of subjects that students would like to study.

Salamat shared a similar view, noting that while the scope of legal education could be maintained, it would require proper planning. She pointed out that the two-year program at the Ghana School of Law is effectively just 14 months, as each part runs from November to June. She concluded by advocating for at least five years of training, with the extra time allocated to internships and fieldwork, stating, “In four years at law faculty, I don’t think I have experienced law the way that I have now in barely 8 months at law school because of the internships we do here.”

Article 25(1)(c) of the 1992 constitution of Ghana stipulates that, “All persons shall have the right to equal educational opportunities and facilities and with a view to achieving the full realisation of that right…higher education shall be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, by every appropriate means.”

By aiming to break the monopoly of the Ghana School of Law, the proposed reform seeks to uphold the educational rights of aspiring lawyers in the country. This initiative also aims to prevent unfortunate incidents like the one in 2021, when, but for the intervention of the President, 449 LLB graduates were denied admission to the GSL.

I believe that most law students, including myself, wonder how the proposed reform will benefit us and strengthen our training—especially as we hope it will enhance legal practice and justice delivery in the country.

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Former ICC judge Cuno Tarfusser, alongside a former judge who remained anonymous, reportedly said that Khan was “denied due process and the right to privacy,” citing concerns over the publicization of Khan’s involvement in the case while adding that the court’s handling of the complaint will discourage future complainants from coming forward.

“I am deeply disturbed, even scandalised, by the way the proceedings against Karim Khan seem to be unfolding,” Tarfusser said.

In October 2024, several anonymous allegations appeared online accusing Khan of sexual misconduct towards an ICC associate. The following month, the Assembly of States Parties to the ICC, led by Finnish ambassador Päivi Kaukoranta, announced that an external investigation would be conducted by the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS).

According to reports, the timing of sexual misconduct allegations against Khan raised concerns over attempts to undermine ICC’s work. Particularly, the report claims that, as Khan prepared arrest warrants for Israeli officials, sexual harassment complaints against him surfaced and later became public.

In July, reports surfaced claiming that a member of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s legal team allegedly threatened Khan and his wife. The threat followed requests from Israeli authorities to make ICC arrest warrants for Israeli officials “confidential,” including the warrant for Netanyahu.

The complainant who raised accusations against Khan has stated that her actions have no connect to the arrest warrants against Israeli officials or work related to any intelligence agency, and she has emphasized her support for every ICC investigation.

The OIOS, an independent office within the UN Secretariat, investigates misconduct through a fact-finding process, reporting its findings to the UN Secretary-General and the United Nations General Assembly. OIOS procedures for investigations emphasize that the office should take all the necessary measures to protect the confidentiality of both complainants and the individuals under investigation.

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The organization denounced the deal as a dangerous extension of “outsourced” immigration enforcement by the Trump administration, claiming it is a “misuse of US funding” and urging authorities to redirect resources towards strengthening the asylum framework of Costa Rica. Concerns over the agreement come at a time when migration through the Darién Gap has reportedly dropped by nearly 100 percent.

“There is no justification for using State Department funds to finance deportations instead of helping Costa Rica process and integrate forcibly displaced people,” Rachel Schmidtke, Senior Advocate for Latin America, said.

Refugees International’s Director for the Americas and Europe, Yael Schacher, further warned that the US is using third-country agreements to undermine the international protections. “This is a counterproductive and inhumane race to the bottom,” Schacher said, calling on Congress to scrutinize the use of appropriated funds and urging foreign governments to resist complacency.

According to a State Department document reportedly released Friday, up to $7.85 million will be reallocated from the Economic Support Fund to the Department of Homeland Security to implement deportations in coordination with the Costa Rican government. The fund is typically intended for economic development assistance and not immigration enforcement.

The program is similar to a previous program set in place by the Biden administration, which also drew criticism from immigration and refugee rights groups.

Refugees International’s statement echoes broader concerns raised by rights groups earlier this year. In March, multiple groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, urged Panama to halt its participation in similar US influenced deportation schemes involving asylum seekers from countries like Afghanistan, China, and Iran.

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As of July 30, 2025, the total toll of cholera in Darfur was 2,140 infections and at least 80 deaths. Sheldon Yett, UNICEF representative in Sudan, commented, “Despite being preventable and easily treatable, cholera is ripping through Tawila and elsewhere in Darfur, threatening children’s lives, especially the youngest and most vulnerable.”

As a disease, cholera can be transmitted through contaminated drinking water and food containing pathogen-carrying bacteria. Given the lack of proper sanitation, clean drinking water, and food facilities, conditions conducive to the spread of cholera have been created. Conditions of hunger and famine have been present in Sudan since the beginning of 2024, with malnutrition among children increasing alarmingly.

The ongoing conflict in Sudan is responsible for the creation and worsening of many of these health risks. In April 2023, a war began between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and continues to this date.

Due to this conflict, the entry of humanitarian aid into Sudan has also been difficult. Hospitals and health facilities have been shelled, and the means of transport also remain blocked. More than 11 million people have already fled Sudan due to the adverse consequences of the ongoing war. The UN, as well as multiple human rights organizations, have repeatedly called on the warring factions to allow the passage of aid and food distribution.

A cholera outbreak was declared in Sudan in August 2024. Since then, over than 50,000 cases have been confirmed across various regions, with more than 1,350 deaths.

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The Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act 2023, which received formal approval (or “royal assent”) in May 2023, aims to protect academic freedom. The law specifically focuses on the freedom to “question received wisdom” and to “put forward new ideas and controversial or unpopular opinions.”

Universities will now have additional duties to ensure freedom of speech following the entry into force of the legislation. These include a duty to take reasonably practicable steps to guarantee freedom of speech within the law and a duty to promote the importance of free speech in higher education.

A “free speech complaints scheme” will see fines issued to universities that fail to protect the free speech of both academics and external speakers. Such penalties were first seen at the University of Sussex, which England’s university regulator fined £585,000 in March 2025 for failing to uphold academic freedom after philosophy professor Kathleen Stock resigned following protests about her views on gender.

The new law also introduces a ban on universities entering into non-disclosure agreements with victims of bullying, harassment, or sexual misconduct on university campuses.

The approved version of the act had established a statutory tort that allowed individuals to bring a claim against the university or student unions in the case of non-compliance with the duty to protect academic freedom. It was anticipated that this would apply primarily in the event of the ‘no-platforming’ of an external speaker, where a speaker is uninvited from a panel or their event is cancelled, often on account of complaints from student groups. However, this section of the act has been repealed, with the government citing a chilling effect that might have seen fewer speaker events held and student unions vulnerable to inordinate legal fees.

“These changes protect free speech but avoid implementing excessive and burdensome provisions which could have exposed struggling universities to disproportionate costs, diverting money away from students to pay lawyers,” said Secretary of State for Education Bridget Phillipson in January.

Universities are expected to introduce new policies to comply with the act, including updating existing codes of practice on freedom of speech, engaging with staff and students on the subject, and establishing mechanisms to raise free speech complaints.

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European Court of Justice (CJEU) issued a landmark ruling Friday that tightens legal requirements for EU member states wishing to designate “safe countries of origin” for accelerated asylum processing.

In its decision, the CJEU upheld the legality of expedited asylum procedures in principle but made clear that such classifications must be based on rigorous, transparent evidence and subject to meaningful judicial review. The ruling stems from a case brought by two Bangladeshi asylum seekers transferred by Italy to Albania, where their claims were swiftly rejected due to Italy’s classification of Bangladesh as a “safe” country. The court found that Italy failed to provide sufficient legal transparency or procedural safeguards, rendering the process incompatible with EU law.

The judgment casts serious doubt on Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s flagship “Albania model,” which aimed to detain and process asylum seekers outside the EU. Legal experts say the ruling could be fatal to the plan. “It will not be possible to continue with what the Italian government had envisioned before this decision,” said Dario Belluccio, counsel for one of the asylum seekers. The detention facilities in Albania have remained largely unused, and a recent audit found their cost was seven times that of similar infrastructure in Italy.

Meloni condemned the ruling as “surprising” and politically motivated, arguing it strips elected governments of the tools needed to combat “mass illegal immigration” and defend borders. However, the CJEU emphasized that no country can be considered safe unless all population groups are protected, a point that aligns with earlier domestic rulings questioning blanket classifications.

Germany, which has also moved to tighten its asylum policies, faces growing legal challenges of its own. In June, the Berlin Administrative Court ruled that turning away asylum seekers at the border violates EU law. The court found that Germany’s policy of immediate rejection was in breach of the EU’s Dublin III Regulation, which mandates individual assessments and prohibits summary returns without due process.

Together, the CJEU and Berlin rulings highlight a widening legal gap between national migration enforcement policies and EU legal obligations. As the EU’s Migration and Asylum Pact approaches its June 2026 implementation, the legal boundaries of national asylum policies are being redrawn in real time.

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“The president of the military court has sentenced nine Burmese and five Chinese nationals to life imprisonment for selling Burmese women to Chinese men as Chinese wives under false pretenses of employment and filming pornographic videos,” local media source the Ayeyarwaddy Times stated.

Victims were primarily women from Yangon Region townships and Magway Region. Some were promised lucrative jobs or large dowries if they agreed to become “Chinese wives,” only to be trafficked into forced marriages or used in online pornography. Two individuals, who “lured three young couples under the pretext of employment,” were sentenced to life alongside two Chinese nationals for filming and live-streaming pornography.

In another case, 3 individuals were convicted for arranging the sale of two women from Shwepyithar Township into forced marriage “for 1.2 million kyats by promising to support their parents.” Additional life sentences were handed to four individuals for trafficking a woman to a Chinese factory under false promises of a monthly salary of 3,500 to 4,000 yuan. Separately, individuals received 10-year sentences with hard labor for falsely recruiting a woman from Aung Lan Township as a bride with the promise of earning 8 million kyats and having a child under a one-year contract.

According to a recent UN report, Myanmar is spiralling deeper into a humanitarian catastrophe due to escalating military attacks, collapsing aid access, and international funding cuts. Speaking to the Human Rights Council in Geneva on June 27, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk noted that “it is imperative for the military to immediately end the violence, allow unhindered humanitarian access and release all arbitrarily detained people.” The report indicated that nearly 22 million people need assistance.

A devastating earthquake in March left six million people in urgent need, yet the military intensified attacks instead of facilitating relief. “The junta has chosen to use aid as a weapon,” warned Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. He added, “I have spoken with humanitarian workers physically blocked at checkpoints and received reports of earthquake survivors evicted from shelters with no place to go.”

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Between July 20 and 28, at least 46,667 people were displaced across the districts of Chiúre, Ancuabe, and Muidumbe in Cabo Delgado province, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). The worst-hit area was Chiúre, where more than 42,000 people were uprooted—over half of them children. In total, more than 95,000 people have fled their homes due to insecurity in Cabo Delgado since January.

The displaced are seeking shelter in overcrowded areas such as Bairro Micone and Bairro Namicir in Chiúre Sede. Families who fled attacks in Chiúre Velho, Ocua, and Mazeze now find themselves crammed into makeshift accommodations with little access to food, clean water, or medical care. Humanitarian partners report that separated and unaccompanied children are becoming increasingly common—a stark indicator of how the violence is fracturing families and exposing the most vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.

Further south in the Ancuabe district, the situation deteriorated rapidly. The UN’s International Organization for Migration reported that the number of displaced families nearly tripled in a single week, with 444 households—comprising 1,946 people, including more than 1,200 children—fleeing from villages such as Nanduli to seek refuge in Chiote and Ancuabe Sede. Meanwhile, in Muidumbe, militants reportedly torched homes in Magaia village and opened fire near Mungue, forcing nearly 500 families to flee to temporary displacement sites. Humanitarian access to these areas remains limited due to security concerns and logistical barriers.

International legal frameworks provide clear guidance in situations like this. Mozambique is a State Party to Additional Protocol II of the Geneva Conventions, which governs non-international armed conflicts and prohibits forced displacement of civilians unless absolutely required for their safety or imperative military reasons. Parties to such conflicts must also allow and facilitate rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access to affected populations.

Beyond international humanitarian law, Mozambique has ratified the African Union’s Kampala Convention on the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons. The convention obligates governments to protect IDPs from arbitrary displacement, ensure their dignity and safety, and provide access to civil documentation. It also imposes a duty to allow humanitarian organizations access to displaced populations. However, implementation of these commitments remains inconsistent, and reports from the ground suggest that the displaced in Cabo Delgado are struggling to obtain even basic forms of legal recognition and support.

The UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, while not binding, are widely accepted as the normative framework for protecting IDPs. These principles affirm that displaced persons have the right to move freely, access essential services, and be reunited with their families. The presence of unaccompanied minors and widespread lack of identification in Cabo Delgado underscores the urgent need for the Mozambican government and international partners to step up protection measures.

At the same time, the humanitarian response is collapsing under a severe funding shortfall. Mozambique’s 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan is only 19 percent funded. Of the $352 million required, just $66 million has been received as of July, forcing aid agencies to reduce their target population from 1.1 million to 317,000. This reduction, OCHA warns, is placing thousands of people at risk of being left without assistance just as their needs are growing more acute.

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In a statement released on Friday, the organization condemned the use of excessive and lethal force by security forces against protesters, some of whom were reportedly unarmed and posed no threat. Amnesty stressed that the killings, injuries and mass arrests constituted serious human rights violations that demand accountability and justice for the victims.

The strike was triggered by a sharp increase in diesel prices after the government moved to phase out long-standing fuel subsidies. This abrupt change placed significant pressure on Angola’s informal transport sector, particularly among candongueiros—independent taxi drivers—who rely on low fuel prices to maintain their livelihoods. In response, the National Union of Taxi Drivers organized a large-scale work stoppage, resulting in major service disruptions and widespread road blockades in cities such as Luanda, Huambo, and Benguela.

What began as peaceful demonstrations quickly escalated after the government deployed police and military forces to suppress the unrest. Authorities reported that the protests had turned violent, citing instances of looting and destruction of property. However, many witnesses and local organizations have described the police response as indiscriminate and heavy-handed. Security forces allegedly fired on protesters, raided homes without warrants, and arrested hundreds of people without explanation. Official figures confirmed at least 22 people killed, 197 injured, and over 1,200 arrested.

This violent crackdown is part of a broader pattern of excessive force by Angolan police. In past years, security forces have been documented firing live ammunition at peaceful demonstrators, conducting mass arrests, and intimidating civil society groups. Rights monitors have long warned that police impunity is rampant, and that abusive practices are often tolerated or overlooked by higher authorities. A recent report by Human Rights Watch highlighted the government’s failure to investigate police violence and its erosion of public trust in law enforcement institutions.

Legal experts and international observers have raised concerns about Angola’s repeated violations of constitutional and international human rights obligations. The right to protest and freedom of expression are protected under the law, yet security forces continue to target individuals engaged in peaceful dissent. Legal scholars and advocacy groups have condemned these actions as unconstitutional and called for stronger safeguards against abuse. As highlighted in recent legal analyses, the government’s approach risks normalizing repression and silencing critical voices.

Amnesty International is urging the Angolan government to immediately release all individuals detained solely for participating in peaceful protests, provide reparations to victims and their families, and prosecute those responsible for unlawful killings and misconduct. Without accountability and reform, the organization warns, Angola will continue to experience cycles of state violence and public mistrust.

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According to Prime Minister Robert Golob, the grave human rights violations taking place in the region obligate other states to comply with provisions of international law and act, even if “this means taking a step for others.” In his statement, Prime Minister Golob criticized the EU’s failure to reach a decision and take unified action regarding arms trade with Israel, owing to disunity and internal disagreements amongst the member states. Despite several warnings and deadlines from Ljubljana, the Union was unable to come to a unified consensus, forcing Slovenia to act independently.

EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, governed by Articles 21 to 31 of the Treaty on European Union, requires unanimity for decisions of such nature, rendering an arms embargo on Israel nearly impossible. Many countries, such as Hungary, have opposed a ban, citing Israel’s right to self-defense and strategic ties with EU member countries.

Under international criminal law, the supply of arms to a party conducting widespread violations of humanitarian law can be considered as aiding war crimes or crimes against humanity. Particularly, Article 30 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court stipulates that individuals may be criminally responsible if they are aware of the consequences that will occur “in the ordinary course of events.”

Slovenia’s move may set a precedent for other EU nations, testing the limits of European unity and international accountability in the face of protracted conflict.

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In its decision, the court found that federal law preempts state law in the regulation of federal credit unions. Specifically, the court reasoned that 12 C.F.R. § 701.35(c), which is enforced by the National Federal Credit Union Administration, preempts California law.  The section says that state laws regulating bank fees do not apply to federal credit unions.

The customer, Andrew King, had attempted to deposit a check at an NFCU branch in California.  The deposit failed, through no fault of King’s, according to the court, but the credit union charged him a $15 bounced check fee.

In response, King sued NCFU in state court under California’s Unfair Competition Law (UCL), alleging that the fee was an unfair or fraudulent business act or practice.  NCFU removed the complaint to federal court, which ruled against him. King appealed.

King had tried to argue that federal law prohibited the $15 fee. The court, for purposes of the case, assumed that to be true. However, King went on to argue that because the fee was illegal, the preemption clause did not apply. Therefore, the federal court could apply California’s law and rule that the fee was unfair.

The court took issue with King’s analysis, leading it to affirm the district court’s ruling:

Although King offers an Olympic level of verbal gymnastics to argue that the UCL transcends § 701.35(c)’s preemption clause, we agree with the district court —and every other court to confront this issue—that all state laws that regulate account fees—general, specific, or otherwise—have no application to federal credit unions.

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Trump wrote on his TruthSocial platform that the current trade deal calls for Mexico continuing to pay “25% Fentanyl Tariff, 25% Tariff on Cars, and 50% Tariff on Steel, Aluminum, and Copper.” Trump added that “Mexico has agreed to immediately terminate its Non Tariff Trade Barriers.”

Sheinbaum stated on X that they avoided Trump’s tariff increase, issued by executive order on the same day, and gained 90 days to build a long-term agreement through dialogue.

Trump’s executive order imposes an increase in tariff rates on 69 foreign jurisdictions and goes into effect on August 7. Most of the tariff increases range from 15 percent to 25 percent.

When issuing the executive order, Trump stated:

I have received additional information and recommendations from various senior officials on, among other things, the continued lack of reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships and the impact of foreign trading partners’ disparate tariff rates and non-tariff barriers on U.S. exports, the domestic manufacturing base, critical supply chains, and the defense industrial base.

He added that he received information and recommendations on “the status of trade negotiations, efforts to retaliate against the United States for [its trade policy], and efforts to align with the United States on economic and national security matters.”

The order additionally increases the tariffs of all countries not listed in the order by 10 percent. It further imposes an additional 40 percent rate on shipments that US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has determined to have been transshipped to circumvent the order. The order states, “The Secretary of Commerce and the Secretary of Homeland Security, acting through the Commissioner of CBP, in consultation with the United States Trade Representative, shall publish every 6 months a list of countries and specific facilities used in circumvention schemes.”

Trump increased tariffs on Canada from 25 to 35 percent on the basis of major drug trafficking across the US-Canadian border and Canada’s retaliatory efforts against the US’s previous 25 percent tariff.

Trump set extensive tariff increases on April 2, which he called “Liberation Day.” The tariffs were set to take effect on April 9. However, he extended the deadline a week later to July 9 in response to more than 75 Ccuntries having called US officials to negotiate trade deals without any retaliation against the US. Trump found it necessary to extend the deadline to August 1 for further negotiations.

The constitutionality of Trump’s tariffs is being challenged in the US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, with arguments heard on Thursday.

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The new law was adopted by Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, with 331 votes in favor and none opposed. The law reestablishes the autonomy of the country’s anti-graft bodies, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO).

Created in 2015, NABU and SAPO were designed as independent bodies to fight high-level corruption following the Euromaidan revolution. Their continued autonomy is considered critical to securing international aid and progressing toward European Union (EU) membership.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the bill into law on Thursday. It was immediately published in the parliament’s newspaper, Holos Ukrainy, and thus took force the next day, Friday.

Zelenskyy stated, “I want to thank all members of parliament for passing my bill, now a law … This is a guarantee of the proper independent functioning of Ukraine’s anti-corruption bodies and all law enforcement agencies.”

The move follows widespread demonstrations across Ukraine, including Kyiv, Lviv, Odesa, and Dnipro. The demonstrations are the largest since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022.

Protesters condemned the earlier law, No. 4555-IX, which took effect on July 22, for undermining judicial independence and threatening Ukraine’s EU accession progress. The prior law gave the prosecutor general authority to oversee NABU and SAPO operations, including the power to reassign cases and issue binding orders.

Two days after defending the July law, Zelenskyy reversed course amid public pressure and Western condemnation.

The EU welcomed the new legislation. EU enlargement commissioner, Marta Kos, stated, “The (Verkhovna) Rada corrected last week’s damaging vote undermining NABU’s & SAPO’s independence…Upholding fundamental values & fighting corruption must remain the priority.”

Foreign Minister Andrii Saybiha affirmed the government’s commitment, declaring, “Ukraine is committed to reforms and the fight against corruption on our path to the EU and NATO. We got it fixed.”

“Everyone is a winner, but first and foremost, democratic Ukraine is the winner,” head of the Ukrainian president’s office, Andriy Yermak, further added.

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